President Kennedy was generally optimistic about the world’s trouble spots when 1962 began. In his State of the Union address to Congress, he said that regarding the “brave city of Berlin” the United States was “prepared to talk when appropriate and to fight if necessary.” But he hesitated to predict whether or not negotiations would be fruitful. And of course he could not have predicted that in 27 years time, the Berlin crisis would be solved once and for all when, with a new Soviet leader, Mikhail Gorbachev in charge, the East German regime would essentially collapse on its own, and the Berlin Wall would be opened for two way traffic, heralding the start of the total collapse of the Soviet empire in Eastern Europe.
The other troubled areas he mentioned were in Southeast Asia, where he reaffirmed the United States’ desire for a neutral and independent Laos, where there was a cease-fire in place but it was unstable. It was uncertain whether the Communist regime headed by Ho Chi Minh in neighboring North Vietnam would try to take over Laos, as it would eventually, on its way to the prolonged war in South Vietnam which would eventually enmesh the United States deeply. On Latin America, Kennedy focused on the Alliance for Progress, meant to improve the lives of people living in the Southern Hemisphere.
In My Memoirs, I wrote that “Looking at the world from the Kremlin’s point of view, the world was unsettling to Khrushchev because he kept looking for ways to force Kennedy on the defensive throughout the year.” We now know that Moscow informed the Pathet Lao that it no longer wanted to abide by the neutrality agreement that had been worked out the year before, and threw its weight behind the Pathet Lao, which was backed by Hanoi. Khrushchev encouraged the Pathet Lao to take control of Vientiane, the Laotian capital, and to aid the North Vietnamese in their march southward,
But the “big story” of 1962 was a secret decision by the Politburo, at the urging of Khrushchev, to sign a secret defense treaty with Cuba, and to arm it with nuclear weapons and anti-aircraft missiles—all done in secret. Over a period of weeks and months, Russia shipped in missiles and troops secretly. And even though the United States supposedly kept a close watch over Communist Cuba, these shipments were not detected until a genuine crisis was upon us.
I was still writing my Week-In-Review pieces, when in October 1962, many Republican Congressmen seeking to influence the November Congressional elections, began reporting that Cuba’s defenses were being built up by the Russians, and that the United States should do something to stop this. This was being denied by the Kennedy Administration. For instance, on October 14, The Star posted a front page story with a headline: “Kennedy raps critics of his Cuba policy.” The story said that Kennedy had denounced “self-appointed generals and admirals who want to send someone else’s sons to war.” Kennedy also asserted that the United States was stronger than ever now and better equipped to prevent a war and win the peace.
In my Week in Review piece for October 14, my lead said that despite American irritation with Cuba, high administration officials said that Berlin remains this country’s major international concern. “They warn that Soviet miscalculation in Berlin could lead to a nuclear war.” I noted, however, that many Americans, including some members of Congress “feel the same way about Cuba.” I wrote that just 90 miles from Florida, Cuba “infuriates American pride.” But I added, taking the side of the administration, that “the Kennedy administration has said many times that Cuba poses no threat to the United States.” I noted that Navy planes “patrol Cuban waters daily, keeping a close watch on military developments in the island. So far, all installations there are reported to be defensive.”
But it turns out that the very next week, American U2 spy planes did detect some ominous signs in Cuba. And on October 21, just a week after Kennedy had blasted those warning of a military threat from Cuba, Kennedy announced that he was ending his six-day political tour because he had a bad cold. On the next day, The Star’s front page headline was an ominous two-line banner:
“Kennedy Will Speak Tonight, Matter of Highest Urgency, Troop Ship Action Hints Cuba Move.”
Since I was still doing the Sunday review column, all I could do on a Monday night was watch television like everyone else. Kennedy announced to the nation the very serious situation in Cuba and the start of the blockade. We now know that the the Soviet Politburo when they got word from Washington from their embassy that this speech was going to be given, called everyone into a meeting and waited to hear whether in fact Kennedy was going to invade Cuba and what the Americans had found out about the missiles and everything else that were being poured into Cuba. Kennedy announced that the United States was imposing a quarantine against offensive weapons being sent to Cuba. What were the offensive weapons that were now discovered on Cuban soil? There were two types of installations detected. In the first category were medium-range ballistic missiles (MRBMs)—the type in Cuba were identified as mobile MRBMs, with a range of about 1200 miles. They can be installed in a a few days. Kennedy said that these MRBMs can carry a nuclear warhead as far north as Washington. The second category includes intermediate range ballistic missiles (IRBMs) with a range of about 2300 miles. These missiles, once installed, in combination with the MRBMs could threaten every area of the United States. In addition, Kennedy said that Ilyushin 28 medium bombers with a range of 700 miles were discovered. Many top Defense Department officials advocated an invasion of Cuba by U..S. forces. But Kennedy chose a middle course, trying diplomacy. He for instance called the blockade “a quarantine,” a distinction that allowed the United States to win the support of the Organization of American States. The use of “quarantine” legally distinguished this action from a blockade, which assumed a state of war existed; the use of “quarantine” instead of “blockade” also enabled the United States to receive the support of the Organization of American States.
And so the crisis developed,It lasted about a week. The crisis ended on October 28, when after secret diplomacy involving Attorney General Robert Kennedy and Soviet Ambassador Dobrynin, Khrushchev issued a public statement saying the military equipment would be removed. A secret part of the accord was that the United States later pulled Jupiter missiles out of Turkey.
A final note. I heard of Khrushchev’s capitulation about 7:30 am over the radio. I had a good friend on The Star, who covered local news, and who shared a house in Georgetown with some other women, I knew she was very worried about the crisis. I telephoned her and said in a firm voice: “, Bobby, we have no time to lose. Pack a bag and I’ll pick you up in 15 minutes,” Georgetown on a Sunday morning is usually deserted and it was that day, It looked like a ghost town. I drove to her house, picked her up, and drove over Key Bridge into Virginia. I drove a mile or so, and confessed I was teasing her. She was briefly annoyed with me, but relieved the crisis was apparently over, and we celebrated with a nice breakfast in Georgetown.
